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“''The reason that I am here today, from the mouth of the State Department itself, is: I should not be allowed to travel because I have struggled for years for the independence of the colonial peoples of Africa… That is the kind of independence like Sukarno got in Indonesia… The other reason that I am here today, again from the State Department and from the court record of the court of appeals, is that when I am abroad I speak out against the injustices against the Negro people of this land. I sent a message to the Bandung Conference and so forth. That is why I am here… I am not being tried for whether I am a Communist, I am being tried for fighting for the rights of my people, who are still second-class citizens in this United States of America… My mother was a Quaker, and my ancestors baked bread for George Washington’s troops when they crossed the Delaware, and my own father was a slave. I stand here struggling for the rights of my people to be full citizens in this country. And they are not. They are not in Mississippi. And they are not in Montgomery, Alabama. And they are not in Washington. They are nowhere, and that is why I am here today. You want to shut up every Negro who has the courage to stand up and fight for the rights of his people, for the rights of workers, and I have been on many a picket line for the steelworkers too. And that is why I am here today...'' ''The demand of Africa and Asia for independence from alien domination and exploitation finds warm support among democratic-minded peoples everywhere. Although the calling of the Bandung Conference evoked bitter words of displeasure from high circles in Washington, the common people of America have not forgotten that our own country was founded in a revolution of colonies against a foreign tyranny - a revolution proclaiming that all nations have a right to independence under a government of their own choice. To the Negro people of the United States and the Caribbean Islands it was good news… Typical of the Negro people’s sentiments are these words from one of our leading weekly newspapers: ‘Negro Americans should be interested in the proceedings at Bandung. We have fought this kind of fight for more than 300 years and have a vested interest in the outcome...'' ''In Russia I felt for the first time like a full human being. No colour prejudice like in Mississippi, no colour prejudice like in Washington. It was the first time I felt like a human being. Where I did not feel the pressure of colour as I feel [it] in this Committee today. [Why do you not stay in Russia?] Because my father was a slave, and my people died to build this country, and I am going to stay here, and have a part of it just like you. And no Fascist-minded people will drive me from it. Is that clear? I am for peace with the Soviet Union, and I am for peace with China, and I am not for peace or friendship with the Fascist Franco, and I am not for peace with Fascist Nazi Germans. I am for peace with decent people...'' ''I say that he is as patriotic an American as there can be, and you gentlemen belong with the Alien and Sedition Acts, and you are the non-patriots, and you are the Un-Americans, and you ought to be ashamed of yourselves.” - Paul Robeson, in his testimony against the HUAC, June 12th 1956'' | “''The reason that I am here today, from the mouth of the State Department itself, is: I should not be allowed to travel because I have struggled for years for the independence of the colonial peoples of Africa… That is the kind of independence like Sukarno got in Indonesia… The other reason that I am here today, again from the State Department and from the court record of the court of appeals, is that when I am abroad I speak out against the injustices against the Negro people of this land. I sent a message to the Bandung Conference and so forth. That is why I am here… I am not being tried for whether I am a Communist, I am being tried for fighting for the rights of my people, who are still second-class citizens in this United States of America… My mother was a Quaker, and my ancestors baked bread for George Washington’s troops when they crossed the Delaware, and my own father was a slave. I stand here struggling for the rights of my people to be full citizens in this country. And they are not. They are not in Mississippi. And they are not in Montgomery, Alabama. And they are not in Washington. They are nowhere, and that is why I am here today. You want to shut up every Negro who has the courage to stand up and fight for the rights of his people, for the rights of workers, and I have been on many a picket line for the steelworkers too. And that is why I am here today...'' ''The demand of Africa and Asia for independence from alien domination and exploitation finds warm support among democratic-minded peoples everywhere. Although the calling of the Bandung Conference evoked bitter words of displeasure from high circles in Washington, the common people of America have not forgotten that our own country was founded in a revolution of colonies against a foreign tyranny - a revolution proclaiming that all nations have a right to independence under a government of their own choice. To the Negro people of the United States and the Caribbean Islands it was good news… Typical of the Negro people’s sentiments are these words from one of our leading weekly newspapers: ‘Negro Americans should be interested in the proceedings at Bandung. We have fought this kind of fight for more than 300 years and have a vested interest in the outcome...'' ''In Russia I felt for the first time like a full human being. No colour prejudice like in Mississippi, no colour prejudice like in Washington. It was the first time I felt like a human being. Where I did not feel the pressure of colour as I feel [it] in this Committee today. [Why do you not stay in Russia?] Because my father was a slave, and my people died to build this country, and I am going to stay here, and have a part of it just like you. And no Fascist-minded people will drive me from it. Is that clear? I am for peace with the Soviet Union, and I am for peace with China, and I am not for peace or friendship with the Fascist Franco, and I am not for peace with Fascist Nazi Germans. I am for peace with decent people...'' ''I say that he is as patriotic an American as there can be, and you gentlemen belong with the Alien and Sedition Acts, and you are the non-patriots, and you are the Un-Americans, and you ought to be ashamed of yourselves.” - Paul Robeson, in his testimony against the HUAC, June 12th 1956'' | ||
"As Americans, preserving the best of our traditions, we have the right - nay the duty - to fight for participation in the forward march of humanity" - Paul Robeson, Thoughts on winning the Stalin Peace Prize, 1953 | |||
“''We, Negro Communists, do not accept the status of ‘aliens’ to which the Negro Resolution relegates us. We are an integral part of the Negro movement, embodying the great revolutionary traditions of Nat Turner, Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman, etc. We do not become ‘foreigners’ when we become Communists. It is, therefore, not only the right, but the duty of Negro Communists to project forms and methods of struggle consistent with the great revolutionary traditions of the Negro people. As true patriots, we call for a consistent fight against U.S. imperialism as the main enemy of the Negro people. We call for an alliance with the white working class based upon common revolutionary aims. We call for international solidarity with the heroic struggles for national liberation, peace and Socialism which embrace the vast majority of mankind.” - Harry Haywood, The Black Revolution'' | “''We, Negro Communists, do not accept the status of ‘aliens’ to which the Negro Resolution relegates us. We are an integral part of the Negro movement, embodying the great revolutionary traditions of Nat Turner, Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman, etc. We do not become ‘foreigners’ when we become Communists. It is, therefore, not only the right, but the duty of Negro Communists to project forms and methods of struggle consistent with the great revolutionary traditions of the Negro people. As true patriots, we call for a consistent fight against U.S. imperialism as the main enemy of the Negro people. We call for an alliance with the white working class based upon common revolutionary aims. We call for international solidarity with the heroic struggles for national liberation, peace and Socialism which embrace the vast majority of mankind.” - Harry Haywood, The Black Revolution'' | ||
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<blockquote>“''The party which represents the working class has a right to fight. By all standards, that’s a legitimate American concept - part of our colonial heritage.” - Samuel A. Darcy, who was expelled from the CPUSA for protesting Earl Browder’s leadership'' | <blockquote>“''The party which represents the working class has a right to fight. By all standards, that’s a legitimate American concept - part of our colonial heritage.” - Samuel A. Darcy, who was expelled from the CPUSA for protesting Earl Browder’s leadership'' | ||
</blockquote>''This line also precedes the CPUSA itself, it goes all the way back to the socialist formations of Daniel De Leon, | </blockquote>''This line also precedes the CPUSA itself, it goes all the way back to the socialist formations of Daniel De Leon, who Lenin said was the first Bolshevik party, as well as Eugene V. Debs.'' | ||
<blockquote>''“To love your country, and be willing to sacrifice and battle for it, that is patriotism. To have no home, to be unable to provide self and loved ones with food, clothing and shelter, that is poverty. At first sight it would appear that a man afflicted with poverty could not possibly be a patriot. He owns no part of any country, and patriotism means love of one’s own country, not love of a country owned by others. What matters it to the poor devil who is starving whether the country in which he is hungry is owned by this ruler or that ruler, if his miserable status changes not? But we see that poverty, instead of crushing patriotism. actually appears to produce it. The troops who left New York yesterday to fight the Chinese were mostly men who own nothing in the way of property in this country. They are not going to fight for love of their country. That have none. Their very poverty gave birth to the bastard patriotism of the Hessian. Here is a sample of the leave-takings between the soldiers and their wives: 'Oh, why did you go and enlist, Charlie? And now you have to go and leave me and the child all alone,” said a weeping young wife, as she held her strapping soldier husband about the neck. ‘It had to be done, Lizzie.’ he replied. ‘You know I could not find any work.’ The capitalist papers which contain the above item also contain the usual silly talk about the ‘patriotism of our volunteers,’ and thus furnish proof for the socialist contention that the capitalist class is at once ignorant and corrupt. Ignorant in not knowing that this paid-for bastard patriotism portends the doom of their class, and corrupt in attempting to pass this counterfeit for the genuine article. Capitalism attacks and destroys all the finer sentiments of the human heart; it ruthlessly sweeps away old traditions and ideas opposed to its progress, and it exploits and corrupts those things once held sacred. Instead of the American freeman bidding his wife be of good cheer that he was going to fight for his country, we have the wage-slave driven by hunger to fight for a hireling’s pittance. Instead of repelling a foreign foe, he goes to loot and ravage a peaceful race, so as to swell the coffers of his own capitalist masters. The patriotism which poverty produces is as yellow as the gold which buys it.” - Daniel De Leon, The Patriotism of the Wage Slave'' | <blockquote>''“To love your country, and be willing to sacrifice and battle for it, that is patriotism. To have no home, to be unable to provide self and loved ones with food, clothing and shelter, that is poverty. At first sight it would appear that a man afflicted with poverty could not possibly be a patriot. He owns no part of any country, and patriotism means love of one’s own country, not love of a country owned by others. What matters it to the poor devil who is starving whether the country in which he is hungry is owned by this ruler or that ruler, if his miserable status changes not? But we see that poverty, instead of crushing patriotism. actually appears to produce it. The troops who left New York yesterday to fight the Chinese were mostly men who own nothing in the way of property in this country. They are not going to fight for love of their country. That have none. Their very poverty gave birth to the bastard patriotism of the Hessian. Here is a sample of the leave-takings between the soldiers and their wives: 'Oh, why did you go and enlist, Charlie? And now you have to go and leave me and the child all alone,” said a weeping young wife, as she held her strapping soldier husband about the neck. ‘It had to be done, Lizzie.’ he replied. ‘You know I could not find any work.’ The capitalist papers which contain the above item also contain the usual silly talk about the ‘patriotism of our volunteers,’ and thus furnish proof for the socialist contention that the capitalist class is at once ignorant and corrupt. Ignorant in not knowing that this paid-for bastard patriotism portends the doom of their class, and corrupt in attempting to pass this counterfeit for the genuine article. Capitalism attacks and destroys all the finer sentiments of the human heart; it ruthlessly sweeps away old traditions and ideas opposed to its progress, and it exploits and corrupts those things once held sacred. Instead of the American freeman bidding his wife be of good cheer that he was going to fight for his country, we have the wage-slave driven by hunger to fight for a hireling’s pittance. Instead of repelling a foreign foe, he goes to loot and ravage a peaceful race, so as to swell the coffers of his own capitalist masters. The patriotism which poverty produces is as yellow as the gold which buys it.” - Daniel De Leon, The Patriotism of the Wage Slave'' | ||
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''“‘We Want All Black People When Brought To Trial To Be Tried In Court By A Jury Of Their Peer Group Or People From Their Black Communities, As Defined By The Constitution Of The United States.’ Before 1776 America was a British colony. The British government had certain laws and rules that the colonised Americans rejected as not being in their best interests. In spite of the British conviction that Americans had no right to establish their own laws to promote the general welfare of the people living here in America, the colonised immigrant felt he had no choice but to raise the gun to defend his welfare. Simultaneously he made certain laws to ensure his protection from external and internal aggressions, from other governments, and his own agencies. One such form of protection was the Declaration of Independence, which states: ‘…whenever any government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles and organising its powers in such forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness’ Now these same colonised white people, these ex-slaves, robbers and thieves, have denied the colonised black man the right to even speak of abolishing this oppressive system which the white colonised American created. They have carried their madness to the four corners of the earth, and now there is universal rebellion against their continue[d] rule and power.” - Huey P. Newton, from his speech titled, A History of the Black Panther Party'' | ''“‘We Want All Black People When Brought To Trial To Be Tried In Court By A Jury Of Their Peer Group Or People From Their Black Communities, As Defined By The Constitution Of The United States.’ Before 1776 America was a British colony. The British government had certain laws and rules that the colonised Americans rejected as not being in their best interests. In spite of the British conviction that Americans had no right to establish their own laws to promote the general welfare of the people living here in America, the colonised immigrant felt he had no choice but to raise the gun to defend his welfare. Simultaneously he made certain laws to ensure his protection from external and internal aggressions, from other governments, and his own agencies. One such form of protection was the Declaration of Independence, which states: ‘…whenever any government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles and organising its powers in such forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness’ Now these same colonised white people, these ex-slaves, robbers and thieves, have denied the colonised black man the right to even speak of abolishing this oppressive system which the white colonised American created. They have carried their madness to the four corners of the earth, and now there is universal rebellion against their continue[d] rule and power.” - Huey P. Newton, from his speech titled, A History of the Black Panther Party'' | ||
"We were being shown movies of American combat in Vietnam, and upon the occasion of North Vietnamese artillerymen shooting down an American plane, the entire group with the excewption of Mr. Swanson and myself, cheered. It struck us both that it was an extraordinary act of masochism to cheer anyone's death in combat. The Cubans agreed with us. They were very, very struck by the fact that their own countrymen were being killed, whether you had political differences with them or not. The Cubans still understood that we were Americans. At a later point, when we had a state dinner in honour of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, large banquet tables were set. Of course, they were set with national flags, Cuban, Bulgarian, and American. Some of the Americans on the trip tore up the American flags. The Cubans were very upset at that. They did not udnerstand that. They said, your flag represents your people, even though you may not like the Government. Even the Cubans could make that distinction as Communists, whereas these American students could not" - Eldridge Cleaver, from his discussions with Cuban Communists | |||
''“We are going to create an American liberation front to combat the avaricious businessman, the demagogic politician and the fascist cops who brutalise and terrorise the people.” - Bobby Seale, during a speech at the 1970 Black Panther Party's National Convention'' | ''“We are going to create an American liberation front to combat the avaricious businessman, the demagogic politician and the fascist cops who brutalise and terrorise the people.” - Bobby Seale, during a speech at the 1970 Black Panther Party's National Convention'' | ||
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“''The U.S. government still has a veil of democracy, but it has been cut down to a tiny patch by the U.S. reactionaries and become very faded, and is not what it used to be in the days of Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln. The reason is that the class struggle has become more intense. When the class struggle becomes still more intense, the veil of U.S. democracy will inevitably be flung to the four winds.” - Mao Zedong'' | “''The U.S. government still has a veil of democracy, but it has been cut down to a tiny patch by the U.S. reactionaries and become very faded, and is not what it used to be in the days of Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln. The reason is that the class struggle has become more intense. When the class struggle becomes still more intense, the veil of U.S. democracy will inevitably be flung to the four winds.” - Mao Zedong'' | ||
''“The United States, had first fought a progressive war of independence from British imperialism, and then fought a civil war to establish a free labour market. Washington and Lincoln were progressive men of their time. When the United States first established a republic it was hated and dreaded by all the crowned heads of Europe. That showed that the Americans were then revolutionaries. Now the American people need to struggle for liberation from their own monopoly capitalists.” - Mao Zedong'' | ''“The United States, had first fought a progressive war of independence from British imperialism, and then fought a civil war to establish a free labour market. Washington and Lincoln were progressive men of their time. When the United States first established a republic it was hated and dreaded by all the crowned heads of Europe. That showed that the Americans were then revolutionaries. Now the American people need to struggle for liberation from their own monopoly capitalists.” - Mao Zedong, to Edgar Snow'' | ||
"Instilling hatred for Americans means putting onself on the same level with the most ardent chauvinism, with people whose 'patriotism' and love for their own is invariably associated with hatred for what is 'alien' - whether it be American, Chinese or German." - Suren Tigranovich Kaltakhchyan, The Current Digest of the Soviet Press | "Instilling hatred for Americans means putting onself on the same level with the most ardent chauvinism, with people whose 'patriotism' and love for their own is invariably associated with hatred for what is 'alien' - whether it be American, Chinese or German." - Suren Tigranovich Kaltakhchyan, The Current Digest of the Soviet Press | ||
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''“‘Down with U.S.A.’ means down with the ruling class. It means death to the American politicians currently in power. It means death to the few people running that country; we have nothing against the American nation.” - Sayyid Ali Hosseini Khamenei''</blockquote> | ''“‘Down with U.S.A.’ means down with the ruling class. It means death to the American politicians currently in power. It means death to the few people running that country; we have nothing against the American nation.” - Sayyid Ali Hosseini Khamenei''</blockquote> | ||
''To all my American comrades, remember that you have a proud revolutionary history. You should not be | ''To all my American comrades, remember that you have a proud revolutionary history. You should not be gaslit out of this history. Remember that Bolshevism is American and that America is a nation.''<blockquote>''“We know that the especially favourable conditions for the development of capitalism and the rapidity of this development have produced a situation in which vast national differences are speedily and fundamentally, as nowhere else in the world, smoothed out to form a single ‘American’ nation.” - V.I. Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination'' | ||
“''American Revolutionary workers have to play an exceptionally important role as uncompromising enemies of American imperialism.” - V.I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism'' | “''American Revolutionary workers have to play an exceptionally important role as uncompromising enemies of American imperialism.” - V.I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism'' | ||
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''There is literally nothing in contradiction between native liberation and patriotism. The Bolshevik line has always been to support the liberation of the oppressed nations. There is nothing anywhere to suggest that America is an exception and that Communists can't be patriots.''<blockquote>''“All Communist parties should render direct aid to the revolutionary movements among the dependent and underprivelaged nations (for example Ireland, the American Negroes, etc.) and in the colonies.” - V.I. Lenin, The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination'' | ''There is literally nothing in contradiction between native liberation and patriotism. The Bolshevik line has always been to support the liberation of the oppressed nations. There is nothing anywhere to suggest that America is an exception and that Communists can't be patriots.''<blockquote>''“All Communist parties should render direct aid to the revolutionary movements among the dependent and underprivelaged nations (for example Ireland, the American Negroes, etc.) and in the colonies.” - V.I. Lenin, The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination'' | ||
''“The proletariat of the oppressing nations cannot confine itself to the general hackneyed phrases against annexations and for the equal rights of nations in general, that may be repeated by any pacifist bourgeois. The proletariat cannot evade the question that is particularly ‘unpleasant’ for the imperialist bourgeoisie, namely, the question of the frontiers of a state that is based on national oppression. The proletariat cannot but fight against the forcible retention of the oppressed nations within the boundaries of a given state, and this is exactly what the struggle for the right of self-determination means. The proletariat must demand the right of political secession for the colonies and for the nations that ‘its own’ nation oppresses. Unless it does this, proletarian internationalism will remain a meaningless phrase; mutual confidence and class solidarity between the workers of the oppressing and oppressed nations will be impossible; the hypocrisy of the reformists and Kautskyan advocates of self-determination who maintain silence about the nations which are oppressed by ‘their’ nation and forcibly retained within ‘their’ state will remain unexposed.” - V.I. Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination''</blockquote>''Do not submit to those who want to snooker you from ever having a chance at reaching the working masses, keep pushing the right line, reach the workers with the most revolutionary potential through #AmericanCommunistParty and keep up the fight!''<blockquote>''“It is a strange transition from the states to Canada. First one imagines that one is in Europe again, and then one thinks one is in a positively retrogressing and decaying country. Here one sees how necessary the feverish speculative spirit of the Americans is for a rapid development of a new country (if capitalist production is taken as a basis); and in ten years this sleepy Canada will be ripe for annexation - the farmers in Manitoba, etc., will demand it themselves. Besides the country is half-annexed already socially - hotels, newspapers, advertising, etc., all of the American pattern. And they may tug and resist as much as they like; the economic necessity of an infusion of Yankee blood will have its way and abolish this ridiculous boundary line - and when the time comes, John Bull will say ‘Amen’ to the matter.” - Friedrich Engels, in a letter to Marx on September 21st 1880'' | ''“The proletariat of the oppressing nations cannot confine itself to the general hackneyed phrases against annexations and for the equal rights of nations in general, that may be repeated by any pacifist bourgeois. The proletariat cannot evade the question that is particularly ‘unpleasant’ for the imperialist bourgeoisie, namely, the question of the frontiers of a state that is based on national oppression. The proletariat cannot but fight against the forcible retention of the oppressed nations within the boundaries of a given state, and this is exactly what the struggle for the right of self-determination means. The proletariat must demand the right of political secession for the colonies and for the nations that ‘its own’ nation oppresses. Unless it does this, proletarian internationalism will remain a meaningless phrase; mutual confidence and class solidarity between the workers of the oppressing and oppressed nations will be impossible; the hypocrisy of the reformists and Kautskyan advocates of self-determination who maintain silence about the nations which are oppressed by ‘their’ nation and forcibly retained within ‘their’ state will remain unexposed.” - V.I. Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination'' | ||
"There are two nations in every modern nation - we say to all national-socialists. There are two national cultures in every national culture. There is the Great-Russian culture of the Purishkeviches, Guchkovs and Struves - but there is also the Great-Russian culture typified in the names of Chernyshevsky and Plekhanov. There are the same two cultures in the Ukraine as there are in Germany, in France, in England, among the Jews, and so forth. If the majority of the Ukrainian workers are under the influence of Great-Russian culture, we also know definitely that the ideas of Great-Russian democracy and Social-Democracy operate parallel with the Great-Russian clerical and bourgeois culture. In fighting the latter kind of 'culture', the Ukrainian Marxist will always bring the former into focus, and say to his workers: 'We must snatch at, make use of, and develop to the utmost every opportunity for intercourse with the Great-Russian class-conscious worekrs, with their literature and with their range of ideas; the fundamental interests of both the Ukrainian and the Great-Russian working-class movements demand it" - V.I. Lenin, Critical Remarks on the National Question, 1913</blockquote>''Do not submit to those who want to snooker you from ever having a chance at reaching the working masses, keep pushing the right line, reach the workers with the most revolutionary potential through #AmericanCommunistParty and keep up the fight!''<blockquote>''“It is a strange transition from the states to Canada. First one imagines that one is in Europe again, and then one thinks one is in a positively retrogressing and decaying country. Here one sees how necessary the feverish speculative spirit of the Americans is for a rapid development of a new country (if capitalist production is taken as a basis); and in ten years this sleepy Canada will be ripe for annexation - the farmers in Manitoba, etc., will demand it themselves. Besides the country is half-annexed already socially - hotels, newspapers, advertising, etc., all of the American pattern. And they may tug and resist as much as they like; the economic necessity of an infusion of Yankee blood will have its way and abolish this ridiculous boundary line - and when the time comes, John Bull will say ‘Amen’ to the matter.” - Friedrich Engels, in a letter to Marx on September 21st 1880'' | |||
“''The tendency of the Capitalist system towards the ultimate splitting-up of society into two classes, a few millionaires on the one hand, and a great mass of mere wage-workers on the other, this tendency, though constantly crossed and counteracted by other social agencies, works nowhere with greater force than in America; and the result has been the production of a class of native American wage-workers, who form, indeed, the aristocracy of the wage-working class as compared with the immigrants, but who become conscious more and more every day of their solidarity with the latter and who feel all the more acutely their present condemnation of life-long wage-toil, because they still remember the bygone days, when it was comparatively easy to rise to a higher social level. Accordingly the working class movement, in America, has started with truly American vigor, and as on that side of the Atlantic things march with at least double the European speed, we may yet live to see America take the lead in this respect too.” - Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England'' | “''The tendency of the Capitalist system towards the ultimate splitting-up of society into two classes, a few millionaires on the one hand, and a great mass of mere wage-workers on the other, this tendency, though constantly crossed and counteracted by other social agencies, works nowhere with greater force than in America; and the result has been the production of a class of native American wage-workers, who form, indeed, the aristocracy of the wage-working class as compared with the immigrants, but who become conscious more and more every day of their solidarity with the latter and who feel all the more acutely their present condemnation of life-long wage-toil, because they still remember the bygone days, when it was comparatively easy to rise to a higher social level. Accordingly the working class movement, in America, has started with truly American vigor, and as on that side of the Atlantic things march with at least double the European speed, we may yet live to see America take the lead in this respect too.” - Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England'' | ||
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“''After studying the Irish question for many years I have come to the conclusion that the decisive blow against the English ruling classes (and it will be decisive for the workers’ movement all over the world) cannot be delivered in England but only in Ireland (- Karl Marx); We are told that the English people contributed to help our enslavement. It is true. It is also true that the Irish people have contributed soldiers to duly crush every democratic movement of the English people from the deportation of Irish soldiers to serve the cause of political despotism under Charles to the days of Featherstone under Asquith. Slaves themselves the English people helped to enslave others; slaves themselves the Irish people helped to enslave others. There is no room for recrimination. We are only concerned now with the fact - daily, becoming more obvious - that the English workers who have reached the moral stature of rebels are now willing to assist the working class rebels of Ireland, and that those Irish rebels will in their turn help the rebels of Ireland, and that those Irish rebels will in their turn help the rebels of England to break their chains and attain the dignity of freedom. There are still a majority of slaves in England - there are still a majority of slaves in Ireland. We are under no illusions as to either country. But we do not intend to confound the geographical spot on which the rebels lie with the political government upheld by the slave. For us and ours the path is clear. The first duty of the working class of the word is to settle accounts with the master class of the world - that of their own country at the head of the list. To that point this struggle, as all such struggles, is converging.” - James Connolly, speech during a discussion titled The Irish Working Class and the Irish Revolution'' | “''After studying the Irish question for many years I have come to the conclusion that the decisive blow against the English ruling classes (and it will be decisive for the workers’ movement all over the world) cannot be delivered in England but only in Ireland (- Karl Marx); We are told that the English people contributed to help our enslavement. It is true. It is also true that the Irish people have contributed soldiers to duly crush every democratic movement of the English people from the deportation of Irish soldiers to serve the cause of political despotism under Charles to the days of Featherstone under Asquith. Slaves themselves the English people helped to enslave others; slaves themselves the Irish people helped to enslave others. There is no room for recrimination. We are only concerned now with the fact - daily, becoming more obvious - that the English workers who have reached the moral stature of rebels are now willing to assist the working class rebels of Ireland, and that those Irish rebels will in their turn help the rebels of Ireland, and that those Irish rebels will in their turn help the rebels of England to break their chains and attain the dignity of freedom. There are still a majority of slaves in England - there are still a majority of slaves in Ireland. We are under no illusions as to either country. But we do not intend to confound the geographical spot on which the rebels lie with the political government upheld by the slave. For us and ours the path is clear. The first duty of the working class of the word is to settle accounts with the master class of the world - that of their own country at the head of the list. To that point this struggle, as all such struggles, is converging.” - James Connolly, speech during a discussion titled The Irish Working Class and the Irish Revolution'' | ||
“''The socialist of another country is a fellow patriot; the capitalist of my own country is a natural enemy.” - James Connolly, Labour in Irish History'' | “''The socialist of another country is a fellow patriot; the capitalist of my own country is a natural enemy.” - James Connolly, Labour in Irish History'' | ||
"He who knows history knows also the history of flags. There is hardly a flag in Europe that was not born of rapine, and does not symbolise rapine. Whether it be the British flag, with its 'Three Crosses quartered', symbolising the practically forceful annexation of Scotland and Ireland to England; or whether it be the Austrian flag emblematic of the mailed hand that organised feudal disorder into an imperial system, and crushed down the peasantry; or whether it be the Russian flag, a testimony to the theory that bloody tyranny is of divine right, and the bloodier, all the more divine: or whether it be the German flag, the insignia of militarism rampant; or whether it be the flag of Spain harkening back to terrorism of body and mind; - whether it be the flag of any of these and most of the nations of Europe, their flags are living modern mementos of cruel oppression in the past and reminders that their past reaches into the present. Even the flags of Holland and Switzerland, born though they were of national aspirations for independence, are not free from the soilure that attaches to the others. Aye, even the Tricolour of bourgeois France is no exception. It was not the Rights of Man alone that is proclaimed; it simultaneously proclaimed, by the early statute against the right of the French proletariat to organise itself economically, that the proletariat had no rights, and that, by 'man', the bourgeois alone was meant. 'While all the European flags rose out of the fumes of human sighs, were planted upon the prostrate bodies of subjects, and wer emeant defiantly to proclaim the double wretchedness as a social principle, it was otherwise, it was the exact opposite, with the 'Stars and Stripes'. 'Apart from the circumstance that the American flag was first raised by men, who, however, and pardonably mistaken in their sociology and economics, did sincerely believe that the American flag, raised over the boundless natural opportunities which the land offered to industry, would insure the citizen the power and responsibility of being the architect of his own fortune; apart from the circumstance that the American flag was the first to wave over a Constitution that 'legalises revolution'; apart from these and many other kindred circumstances, the historic fact that the scientist, the nobleminded, the venerable Franklin, when the scheme of the flag was presented to him, a blue field with a star for each State, expressed the hope that the day would dawn when every nation in the world would be represented in that blue field with her own star, - the fact confers upon the American flag the lofty distinction of being the first on Earth to urge the brotherhood of nations; the first to herald the solidarity of peoples; the first drapery-symbol of peace on Earth; - that fact renders the American flag the anticipation of the red flag international brotherhood, and endears it to the heart of civilised man" - James Connolly, from a selection of his writings released in The Workers' Republic | |||
</blockquote>Bonus Quotes:<blockquote>“''The unity of the nation was not to be broken; but, on the contrary, to be organised by the Communal Constitution, and to become a reality by the destruction of the State power which claimed to be the embodiment of that unity independent of, and superior to, the nation itself, from which it was but a parasitic excrescence; that unity of great nations which, if originally brought about by political force, has now become a powerful coefficient of social production; if the Commune was thus the true representative of all the healthy elements of French society, and therefore the truly national government, it was, at the same time, as a working men’s government, as the bold champion of the emancipation of labour, emphatically international. Within sight of that Prussian army, that had annexed to Germany two French provinces, the Commune annexed to France the working people all over the world.” - Karl Marx, The Civil War in France'' | </blockquote>Bonus Quotes:<blockquote>“''The unity of the nation was not to be broken; but, on the contrary, to be organised by the Communal Constitution, and to become a reality by the destruction of the State power which claimed to be the embodiment of that unity independent of, and superior to, the nation itself, from which it was but a parasitic excrescence; that unity of great nations which, if originally brought about by political force, has now become a powerful coefficient of social production; if the Commune was thus the true representative of all the healthy elements of French society, and therefore the truly national government, it was, at the same time, as a working men’s government, as the bold champion of the emancipation of labour, emphatically international. Within sight of that Prussian army, that had annexed to Germany two French provinces, the Commune annexed to France the working people all over the world.” - Karl Marx, The Civil War in France'' |