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The bourgeois socialists who, according to Marx and Engels, were already becoming in the late 1800s a full-fledged system of charities, foundations, animal rights activists, NGOs, and reformers of all kinds, enlarged with the development of imperialism (finance capital) to the point where they could champion reforms and minimal concessions for the working class under the guise of revolutionary slogans. Higher education, think tanks, trusts, foundations, charities, and political parties were infused with finance capital so as to kill class consciousness in its cradle and lead it to the logger where it has taken root. The [[discourse]] itself began to be monopolized by the bourgeoisie– the age of information warfare burgeoned; and with the onset of the internet, massive multinational corporations could remotely coordinate the discourse and daily experiences of most of the world. This bourgeois socialism became dominant, and on such foundation rests part of [[Haz Al-Din|Haz Al-Din's]] claim that [["We already live in socialism"]], that today the struggle is against this false notion of socialism and for an authentic socialism based in the proletariat and great masses of each nation (the shared conditions of which, as class and as human, respectively, unite the ''inter-national'' working class) (See [[Socialist Patriotism]]). | The bourgeois socialists who, according to Marx and Engels, were already becoming in the late 1800s a full-fledged system of charities, foundations, animal rights activists, NGOs, and reformers of all kinds, enlarged with the development of imperialism (finance capital) to the point where they could champion reforms and minimal concessions for the working class under the guise of revolutionary slogans. Higher education, think tanks, trusts, foundations, charities, and political parties were infused with finance capital so as to kill class consciousness in its cradle and lead it to the logger where it has taken root. The [[discourse]] itself began to be monopolized by the bourgeoisie– the age of information warfare burgeoned; and with the onset of the internet, massive multinational corporations could remotely coordinate the discourse and daily experiences of most of the world. This bourgeois socialism became dominant, and on such foundation rests part of [[Haz Al-Din|Haz Al-Din's]] claim that [["We already live in socialism"]], that today the struggle is against this false notion of socialism and for an authentic socialism based in the proletariat and great masses of each nation (the shared conditions of which, as class and as human, respectively, unite the ''inter-national'' working class) (See [[Socialist Patriotism]]). | ||
The international bourgeoisie, now unrestricted by national or regional bonds, had only itself left to monopolize. The global monopoly of bourgeois power is only a further development, on the international scale, of the bourgeoisie, just as previously the industrial monopolists had replaced the small businesses and free market. These new institutions and structures of the "[[Globalism|globalists]]" are best exemplified by the World Economic Forum (WEF), Bank of International Settlements (BIS), International Monetary Fund (IMF), implemented on Wall Street and in the City of London financial district. | The international bourgeoisie, now unrestricted by national or regional bonds, had only itself left to monopolize. The global monopoly of bourgeois power is only a further development, on the international scale, of the bourgeoisie, just as previously the industrial monopolists had replaced the small businesses and free market. These new institutions and structures of the "[[Globalism|globalists]]" are best exemplified by the [[World Economic Forum]] (WEF), [[Bank of International Settlements]] (BIS), [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF), implemented on [[Wall Street]] and in the [[City of London]] financial district. | ||
== References == | == References == |